Saturday, August 30, 2025

Guest Post: Would-be Saboteurs Caught aboard La Coubre

This post first appeared on Today in Alternate History.

Historic Background

Following a series of covert operations by the CIA, the explosion of La Coubre was one of the first big events used for propaganda in what soon became the Cold War struggle in the Caribbean. The French cargo ship blew up in Havana harbor while it was unloading 76 tons of grenades and weapons. The new revolutionary government had bought these munitions from Belgium because U.S. supplies of military equipment had ceased, and the Cuban Army had to look elsewhere to supply its army. A huge blast ripped through the ship, and then a second explosion happened as rescuers and bystanders rushed in. Prime Minister Fidel Castro called this "the work of those who do not wish us to receive arms for our defense," blaming the explosion on U.S. sabotage and accusing the CIA of trying to weaken Cuba's defenses. This damning statement made Cuban nationalism even stronger and increased public support for the revolution during its early, uncertain years. It was a turning point as Cuba increasingly turned towards the Soviet Union for economic and military assistance from a man who had once said, "I am not a communist and neither is the revolutionary movement, but we do not have to say that we are anticommunists just to fawn on foreign powers."

March 4, 1960-

Cuban security forces stopped a group of men with sabotage devices from boarding the French freighter La Coubre while it was docked in Havana Harbor. During questioning, the apprehended saboteurs revealed their connections to the CIA, presenting unmistakable evidence of U.S. involvement. They were subsequently showcased at a large rally, bolstering the revolutionary government's standing.

This embarrassing incident occurred during a Presidential election year, creating significant political damage for the Republican Administration. The policy of Eisenhower-Nixon was best described by the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State, Roy Rubuttom, to "Support elements in Cuba opposed to the Castro government while making Castro's downfall seem to be the result of his own mistakes." In their calculation, the rearming of the Cuban Army would prevent the CIA from orchestrating a coup d'état as they recently had to overthrow Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala. This time their covert operation backfired, particularly in light of a prompt offer of military assistance from the Soviet Union. Worse still, such an unwelcome intervention accelerated the revolutionary movement's outreach across Latin America, supporting various guerrilla efforts.

The Cold War struggle in the Caribbean had begun with the terrifying possibility of Cuba becoming a full ally of the Soviet Union in America's backyard. This was unacceptable to Washington--the longstanding Monroe Doctrine held that any intervention in the political affairs of the Americas by foreign powers was a potentially hostile act against the United States. There was a broader perspective, a symmetry that both superpowers were unable to control satellite states in their sphere of influence. Perhaps in this political reality, there lay a distant opportunity for compromise.

The U.S. certainly faced diplomatic isolation in Latin America by the time a new Democratic administration took office. President John F. Kennedy recognized this unfortunate position in his inaugural address by asserting that "The basic problems facing the world today are not susceptible to a military solution." Signaling a dramatic change of foreign policy, he followed through the very next day by announcing the replacement of Allen Dulles, who had overseen numerous covert activities including the coup d'état in Guatemala (as well as Iran), plus the Project MKUltra, widely condemned as a violation of individual rights and an example of the CIA's abuse of power. He had served throughout the previous eight years, as both the director of Central Intelligence and the head of the CIA. Nevertheless, Kennedy also wanted to remove Castro, and it remained to be seen how much had actually changed.

Author's Note:

In reality, 75 to 100 people were killed, and many were injured. Fidel Castro alleged it was an act of sabotage on the part of the United States, which denied any involvement. Meanwhile, Kennedy kept Dulles in post and authorized him to launch the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion.

Provine's Addendum:

JFK, as he was popularly known, had to rethink diplomacy quickly. His advisors, including his brother, Robert, determined to lean into the pivot, throwing the blame on former VP Nixon, whom commentators said lost the race for the White House in 1960 for the international black eye in Havana as much as his dubious performance in the first-ever televised presidential debate. Kennedy's administration released extensive top secret documents declassified by executive order, all hand-picked to embarrass Dulles and Nixon as a covert faction within American democracy, saying their relationship began as Dulles covered up connections of Nazi German clients with Nixon's support. The hounding grew to the point in 1962 that Nixon left the country for an extensive speaking tour, telling a press conference, "They don't have Nixon to kick around any more."

Meanwhile, JFK looked back toward another Republican, William H. Taft, for methods aligning with the old "dollar diplomacy" strategy. Relations with Cuba reformed under the Kennedy administration recognizing the new government, and Castro was eager to accept the loans and aid Kennedy offered, making energetic speeches about the potential future. American businesses invested, too, thanks to promises of incentives from both the U.S. and Cuban governments. The Cuban economy skyrocketed for a time with new canneries and wide agricultural development, but soon American attention turned toward Southeast Asia, and the money began to dry up. Debts mounted, and Castro's regime would find itself dependent on the U.S. for aid keeping up with a population troubled by layoffs and rusting equipment without a market.

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